"for the first time in Iran’s history, slogans in support of the Pahlavi family, sent into exile by the regime in 1979, were heard in some of Iran’s technical universities, including Amirkabir and Sharif."

This highlights a historically unprecedented event in the context of Iranian protests, signaling a new and significant development.

"This surprised many because universities in their modern form, from their establishment some eight to nine decades ago until now, have simultaneously been centers of opposition to both monarchical rule and the Islamic regime."

The article emphasizes the unexpected nature of pro-Pahlavi chants in universities, given their historical anti-monarchy stance, positioning this as a novel and remarkable shift.

"But it did not expect that just three days after reopening, universities would become sites of clashes between opponents of the regime and Basij forces."

This emphasizes the swift and unexpected response following the reopening of universities, creating a sense of rapid, unfolding events that demand attention.

"what was particularly notable was that support for exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi appears to have gained traction among some students. This is significant because widespread and explicit slogans backing him were heard for the first time during the large demonstrations on January 8 and 9, which were held following his call to protest."

This directly states the novelty and significance of the pro-Pahlavi support, framing it as a new and impactful development in the protest movement.

"Mohammad Reza, an electrical engineering student at Amirkabir University, is one of the students who, for the first time in the past three days, shouted the slogan “Long live the Shah (The King),” referring to Pahalavi, at this university. He said: “In my opinion, and in the view of many students who support Reza Pahlavi, he is the most qualified person under current conditions to lead the transition period with the least damage and with global support."

While this is a student, the article presents his 'opinion' and 'view of many students' as a form of expertise or informed opinion from someone on the ground, lending weight to the claim about Pahlavi's suitability.

"While some analysts say an “attritional revolution” could, in the coming months, leave the mullahs’ regime completely paralyzed and eventually shatter it with a final blow, some student activists in Tehran say they consider it unlikely that the Islamic Republic can survive even the next few months."

The mention of 'analysts' and their predictions, even if attributed to 'some,' uses a generalized form of expert appeal to bolster the narrative of the regime's impending collapse.

"As universities reopen, Iranian students resume protests, clashing with Basij forces"

This immediately sets up a clear 'us vs. them' dynamic between the students and the Basij forces, defining the conflict.

"the Islamic Republic had not expected that, despite the regime’s openly killing tens of thousands of people, the imposition of broad martial-law-like conditions, severe internet restrictions, and threats against journalists inside the country to prevent coverage of the protests"

This paints a picture of the 'regime' as a repressive, violent adversary, deepening the 'us vs. them' narrative with students and protesters representing 'us'.

"clashes between students and repressive forces."

Labeling one side as 'repressive forces' clearly frames one group as the oppressor and the other as the oppressed, fostering a tribal division.

"Chants such as “Death to Khamenei,” “Death to the dictator,” and “All these years of crimes — death to the Velayat-e Faqih (the foundational doctrine of the regime),” alarmed the authorities."

These chants are direct expressions of animosity towards the regime's leadership and ideology, creating a strong 'us' (protesters) against 'them' (the regime) dynamic.

"I asked him about another emerging slogan in these university protests—“Death to the Leftist”— because this slogan had previously been used in demonstrations by monarchists abroad against leftists, the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran, and clerics."

This part explicitly details how different political ideologies ('Leftist', 'monarchists') are being used as tribal markers, with slogans weaponized to define allies and enemies within the opposition itself, deepening internal divisions.

"“But the dangerous game initiated by monarchist supporters has not only deepened divisions abroad and within the anti–Islamic Republic camp; it has also brought those divisions onto university campuses, pitting left-wing opposition students against right-wing opposition students."

This quote directly describes the manufacturing of internal 'us vs. them' dynamics within the broader anti-regime movement, showing how ideas ('left-wing,' 'right-wing,' 'monarchist') are becoming tribal identifiers used for conflict.

"The regime is deeply fearful of the student movement and a renewed surge in street protests, as scattered demonstrations in various cities, protests over rising prices and inflation, and widespread strikes continue."

While this attributes fear to the regime, it also implicitly frames the situation as one of intense, escalating conflict and instability, which can elicit a sense of apprehension or urgency in the reader about the broader situation.

"despite the regime’s openly killing tens of thousands of people, the imposition of broad martial-law-like conditions, severe internet restrictions, and threats against journalists inside the country to prevent coverage of the protests"

This detailed list of alleged atrocities and oppressive measures by the 'regime' is designed to evoke strong feelings of outrage and injustice in the reader.

"the Islamic Regime opened fire on them."

This specific detail about the regime opening fire on protesters is a high-impact statement intended to generate strong outrage and sympathy for the students.

"During this several-day attack — later called the “Cultural Revolution” — hundreds of leftist students were killed, wounded, or arrested, most of them members of the “Pishgam” (Vanguard) student organization affiliated with the Fadaian Communist guerrillas."

Descriptions of widespread violence, deaths, and arrests targeting students are intended to provoke outrage at the 'regime's' actions.

"She stressed: “The Islamic Republic will be overthrown by a popular uprising. If revolutionary forces can assume leadership, a democratic Iranian republic led by women inside the country will offer a horizon of political and economic progress with the participation of all forces and groups, including ethnic and national communities, and unconditional freedom of expression.”"

This vision of a 'democratic Iranian republic led by women' with 'political and economic progress' and 'unconditional freedom of expression' appeals to strong moral and liberal values, positioning the overthrow of the current regime as a morally virtuous and aspirational outcome.